1. Excellencies, you are the United Nations. The staff who were killed-and injured in the attack on our Baghdad headquarters were your staff. You had given them a mandate to assist the suffering Iraqi people, and to help Iraq recover its national sovereignty.
阁下们，你们代表联合国。在巴格达总部的袭击中死亡或受伤的人联合国的工作人员。是你们给他们下达了命令去援助伊拉克受难的人们，帮助伊拉克恢复国家的主权。
2. In future, not only in Iraq but also wherever the United Nations is engaged, we must take more effective measures to protect the security of our staff. I count on your full support—legal, political and financial.
将来无论是在伊拉克还是在其他联合国涉足的地方，我们必须采取更有效的措施来保护联合国工作人员的安全。我信赖于你们的大力支持—法律上、政治上以及资金上的支持。
3. Meanwhile, lat me reaffirm the great importance I attach to a successful outcome in Iraq. Whatever view each of us may take of the events of recent months, it is vital for all of us that the outcome is a stable and democratic Iraq, at peace with itself and with its neighbors, and contributing to stability in the region. In that context I deplore - as I am sure you all do—the brutal attempt on the life of Dr?Akila al-Hashemi, a member of the Governing Council, and I pray for her full recovery, too.
与此同时，我要重申伊拉克的胜利是至关重要的。无论我们每个人对近几个月发生的事情抱着怎样的看法，重建稳定民主的伊拉克，维护其国内以及与周边的和平，这个结果对我们所有人都至关重要，也有助于维护该地区的稳定。我对阿克拉?埃尔哈施米博士遭到野蛮袭击表示悲痛—我相信在座的各位也是如此—希望她能尽快痊愈.
4. Subject to security considerations, the United Nations system is prepared to play its full part in working for a satisfactory outcome in Iraq, and to do so as part of an effort by the whole international community, pulling together on the basis of a sound and viable policy. If it takes extra time and patience to make a policy that is collective, coherent and workable, then I for one would regard that time as well spent. Indeed, this is how we must approach all the many pressing crises that confront us today.
出于安全的考虑，联合国准备在伊拉克取得令人满意的结果中充分发挥作用，以合理的可行的政策为基础，作为整个国际社会做出努力的一部分。如果需要额外的时间和耐心来制定一致的可行的政策，那么我认为花费这些时间是很值得的。事实上，这也是我们解决面临的所有危机应采用的方法。
5. Excellencies, three years ago, when you came here for the Millennium Summit, we had a shared vision of global solidarity and collective security, expressed in the Millennium Declaration.
阁下们，三年以前当你们来参加千年峰会，我们在世界团结和共同维和方面达成了一致，并在千年宣言中有所体现。
6. But recent events have called that consensus in question.
但是近一段时间所发生的事情使人们对这一共识有了质疑。
7. All of us know there are new threats that must be faced—or, perhaps, old threats in new and dangerous combinations: new forms of terrorism, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
我们都知道新的威胁必须要面对—也许旧的威胁以新形式出现，也许是两者相结合：恐怖主义的新形式，大规模杀伤性武器的扩散。
8. But, while some consider these threats as self-evidently the main challenge to world peace and security, others feel more immediately threatened by small arms employed in civil conflict, or by so-called "soft threats" such as the persistence of extreme poverty, the disparity of income between and within societies, the spread of infectious diseases, or climate change and environmental degradation.
有些人认为，这些威胁显然是对世界和平和安全的最大挑战，其他人觉得受到国内冲突中使用的轻型武器的威胁，或者是“软威胁”：比如持续的贫困、国家与国家之间以及国家内部各阶层收入的差距、传染病的传播以及气候改变和环境恶化。
9. In truth, we do not have to choose. The United Nations must confront all these threats and challenges—new and old, "hard" and "soft". It must be fully engaged in the struggle for development and poverty eradication, starting with the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals; in the struggle to protect our common environment; and in the struggle for human rights, democracy and, good governance. In fact, all these struggles are linked. We now see, with chilling clarity, that a world where many millions of people endure brutal oppression and extreme misery will never be fully secure, even for its most privileged inhabitants.
实际上我们别无选择。联合国必须面对所有的威胁和挑战—不管是新的还是旧的，“硬的”还是“软的”。她必须致力于发展和消除贫困(以《千年发展目标》设定的成就为出发点)，保护我们共同的环境，维护人权、民主和科学治理。其实所有这些都是相互联系的。我们今天清楚地看到，在这个世界上千千万万的人遭受着残酷的压迫，忍受着极度的悲痛，所以世界是永远不可能彻底安全的，即使是对有特权的人。
10. Yet the "hard" threats, such as terrorism and weapons of massed destruction, are real, and cannot be ignored.
然而这些“硬”威胁，例如恐怖主义和大规模杀伤性武器的扩散，是真实存在的，绝对不能忽视。
11. Terrorism is not a problem only for rich countries. Ask the people of Bali, or Bombay, or Nairobi, or Casablanca.
恐怖主义不仅仅是富裕国家的问题。问一问巴厘岛、孟买、内罗比、卡萨布兰卡的人们就知道了。
12. Weapons of mass destruction do not threaten only the western or northern world. Ask the people of Iran, or of Halabja in Iraq.
大规模杀伤性武器也不只是对西方或北方世界造成威胁。问一问伊朗、伊拉克或哈拉比亚的人们就知道了。
13. Where we disagree, it seems, is on how we respond to these threats.
在如何应对这些威胁的问题上我们似乎存在异议。
14. Since this Organization was founded, States have generally sought to deal with threats to the peace through containment and deterrence, by a system based on collective security and the United Nations Charter.
自从联合国成立以来，各国通常都是通过牵制政策和阻止的方法来解决危害和平的诸多危险，这些政策都是以共同维和和联合国宪章为基础的。
15. Article 51 of the Charter prescribes that all States, if attacked, retain the inherent right of self-defense. .But until now it has been understood that when States go beyond that, and decide to use force to deal with broader threats to international peace and security, they need the unique legitimacy provided by the United Nations.
宪章第51条规定：所有国家，一旦遭到攻击，都可以通过自卫来维护其主权完整。但是目前人们普遍认为，如果国家超过这一限度，决定使用武力来消除更广阔范围内对世界和平和安全造成的威胁，那就需要联合国验证其合法性。
16. Now, some say this understanding is no longer tenable , since an "armed attack" with weapons of mass destruction could be launched at any time, without warning, or by a clandestine"" group. Rather than wait for that to happen, they argue, States have the right and obligation. to use force preemptively`"' , even on the territory of other States, and even while weapons systems that might be used to attack them are still being developed.
如今有人认为，秘密组织随时有可能使用大规模杀伤性武器发动进攻，而没有任何警告，那么以上这一理解就站不住脚了。他们争论说，与其等着这一切发生，还不如先动武，即便是在其他国家的疆域里，尽管攻击他们的武器还在研究当中。
17. According to this argument, States are not obliged to wait until there is agreement in the Security Council. Instead, they reserve the right to act unilaterally, or in ad hoc coalitions.
根据这一论断，国家不必等到安理会达成一致。相反，他们拥有单边的或联合行动的权利。
18. This logic represents a fundamental challenge to the principles on make in addressing these challenges; which, however imperfectly, world peace and stability have rested for the last fifty-eight years.
这一逻辑向基本原则提出了挑战，而过去58年世界的和平与稳定都信赖于这一基本原则。
19. My concern is that, if it were to be adopted, it could set precedents that resulted in a proliferation of the unilateral and lawless use of force, with or without credible justification.
我的担心就是，一旦它被采纳，就会为单边主义和违法使用武力开了先例，不管有没有可信的辩护。
20. But it is not enough to denounce unilateralism, unless we also face up squarely to the concerns that make some States feel uniquely vulnerable, and thus drive them to take unilateral action. We must show that those concerns can, and will, be addressed effectively through collective action.
但是这不足以指责单边主义，除非我们对某些国家的脆弱表示担忧，因此迫使他们采取单边行动计划。我们必须证明这些担忧能够并且将会通过共同行动得到有效解决。
21. Excellencies, we have come to a fork in the road. This may be a moment no less decisive than 1945 itself, when the United Nations was founded.
阁下们，我们正在交叉路口上。这绝不亚于1945年联合国成立时所需要的决心。
22. At that time, a group of far-sighted leaders, led and inspired by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, were determined to make the second half of the twentieth century different from the first half. They saw that the human race had only one world to live in, and that unless it managed its affairs more prudently, all human beings might perish.
那是一些很有远见的领袖，在弗兰克林?罗斯福总统的带领下决定让20世纪的后50年不同于前半个世纪。他们认识到人类只有一个共同的世界，如果人们在处理事务时不够谨慎，人类可能会全部灭亡。
23. So they drew up rules to govern international behavior, and founded a network of institutions, with the United Nations at the center, in which the peoples of the world could work together for the common good. Now we must decide whether it is possible to continue on the basis agreed then, or whether radical changes are needed.
因此他们在国际行为方面做出了规定，并建立了以联合国为中心的一系列机构。在联合国世界各国的人们为了共同的利益在一起工作。如今我们必须做出决定，是否继续以此为基础，还是进行变革。
24. History is a harsh judge: it will not forgive us if we let this moment pass.
历史会做出严酷的评判：如果我们错过这一时机，它是不会原谅我们的。
25. For my part, I intend to establish a High-Level Panel of eminent personalities, to which I will assign four tasks:
依我所见，我准备成立由优秀人士组成的高级小组, 它会有以下四项任务:
26. First, to examine current challenges to peace and security;
首先，确定当前威胁和平和安全的挑战；
27. Second, to consider the contribution which collective action can making in addressing these challenges;
第二，考虑在应对这些挑战时共同行动所起的作用；
28. Third, to review the functioning of the major organs of the United Nations and the relationship between them; and
确定联合国各主要机构的职责以及它们之间的关系；
29. Fourth, to recommend ways of strengthening the United Nations, through reform of its institutions and processes.
第四，为联合国机构和程序改革提出建议，以便加强联合国的作用。
30. The Panel will focus primarily on threats to peace and security. But it will also need to examine other global challenges, in so far as these may influence or connect with those threats.
小组将主要关注威胁和平和安全的问题。但是也要考虑其他全球面临的挑战，因为这些挑战也许与威胁有某种联系或影响。
31: I will ask the Panel to report back to me before the beginning of the next session of this Assembly, so that I can make recommendations to you at that session. But only you can take the firm and clear decisions that are needed.
下届大会召开之前，我会让小组向我汇报情况，以便我能够在会上提出建议。但是只有你们能够做出明确和强有力的决定。
32. Those decisions might include far-reaching institutional reforms. Indeed, I hope they will.
这些决定或许包括具有深远影响的机构改革。我真的希望会是这样。
33. But institutional reforms alone will not suffice"". Even the most perfect instrument will fail, unless people put it to good use.
但是机构改革本身是不够的。即使是最理想的工具也可能失败，除非人们能够充分利用它们。
34. The United Nations is, by no means a perfect instrument, but it is a precious one. I urge you to seek agreement on ways of improving it, but above all of using it as its founders intended-to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, to establish the basic conditions for justice and the rule of law, and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom.
联合国绝不是一个理想的工具，但却是宝贵的。我号召大家寻求改进它的途径，但最重要的是遵循建立者的初衷— 使后代摆脱战争灾难、重申基本人权的信仰，建立正义和法律所需的基本条件，促进社会进步，在更大的自由中提高生活水平。
35. The world may have changed, Excellencies, but those aims are as valid and urgent as ever. We must keep them firmly in our sights.
阁下们，世界也许发生了变化，但是那些目标仍像以前一样是有效而紧迫，我们必须在决策时以此为根本。
36. Thank you very much.
谢谢大家。