IT IS one of the world’s great cities—with problems to match. London is Britain’s economic engine, generating more than one-fifth of its wealth. Yet its greatest industry, finance, is perpetually under attack. London’s immigrants, who give the capital its energy, also put huge pressure on hospitals and transport. The city’s schools are bursting. It is an obvious terrorist target. Sadly few of London’s difficulties, or its greatness, are evoked by the race to become the city’s next mayor.
这是世界上最伟大的城市之一，困扰它的问题也最困难。伦敦是英国的经济发动机，该国五分之一的财富都来自这里。但是其最重要的行业金融业却一直遭受攻击。伦敦的移民人群虽然给它带来活力，也在医院和交通方面造成巨大压力。伦敦的学校人满为患。伦敦是恐怖袭击很明显的目标。但是遗憾的是，伦敦的困难或伟大几乎都不是由于下任市长选举引起的。 The election, which takes place on May 3rd, pits Boris Johnson, the Conservative incumbent (pictured right), against Ken Livingstone, a left-winger who ran London between 2000 and 2008. The battle between the two main challengers has been dominated by niggling personal issues and trivial disputes. Is Mr Livingstone’s use of a (legal) tax-avoidance vehicle inconsistent with his socialism? Did Mr Johnson spend too much money on some retro-chic double-decker buses? Were Mr Livingstone’s tears at a campaign broadcast genuine? Is Mr Johnson sexist? The incumbent has a slight lead in polls. But his party has grown toxic in London. The vote should be close. 市长选举将于5月3日举行，两名主要竞选者是现任伦敦市长保守党的鲍里斯•约翰逊（图右）和曾于2000年至2008年担任伦敦市长的左翼人士肯•列文斯通。这两位竞争对手之间的战争主要围绕琐碎的个人小事和争议展开。列文斯通先生（合法）避税是否有违他的社会主义思想？约翰逊先生是否在翻修双层巴士一事上花费过多？列文斯通在一次宣传广播中流下的眼泪是不是真诚的？约翰逊先生是否歧视女性？约翰逊市长目前略微领先，但是他的党派在伦敦却声名狼藉。二人得票应该会势均力敌。 Mr Johnson has been a good mayor rather than a great one. His image of tousle-haired disorganisation is not merely a pose. He has a habit of fastening on social problems, setting up an advisory group, then losing interest. Under great pressure—following last summer’s riots, for example—he can wilt. Mr Livingstone ran London as a machine; Mr Johnson occasionally appears to forget where the levers are. 约翰逊先生的市长工作做得不错，但是并不出色。他头发蓬乱，不修边幅，这不只是装模作样出来的。他习惯关注社会问题，建立顾问团，然后就对问题失去兴趣了。在巨大的压力之下-比如去年夏天的暴乱发生以后-他可能会畏缩。列文斯通掌管下的伦敦运行犹如一台机器；约翰逊先生时不时就会忘记杠杆在哪儿。 Yet he has two great things to recommend him. The first is that, on the big issues, his instincts are right. The mayor defended bankers and called for a cut in the top rate of income tax when both positions were deeply unfashionable. He is socially liberal. For years he has been enthusiastic about immigration, and has even called for an amnesty for illegal immigrants, although he has bowed to a harder, more conventional line in the past few days. He has also done a good job of getting cash for infrastructure from central government. 但是他有两个优点。第一，在大事上直觉很准。银行家和收入税都非常不受人待见，约翰逊市长却维护银行家，并且呼吁减少最高收入税率。他是社会自由派人士。很多年都热衷于移民问题，甚至还提出大赦非法移民，尽管在过去几天里他不得不屈服于更严格更传统的路线。他还做了一件好事，就是从中央政府那里获得了很多基建现金。 His second advantage is that he is not Ken Livingstone. London’s first elected mayor began boldly. Belying his left-wing instincts, he introduced a congestion charge inspired by Milton Friedman and cosied up to the City. This newspaper backed him for a second term. Disappointingly, though, Mr Livingstone has gradually conformed to the “Red Ken” stereotype. He claims he can cut public-transport fares and even the rents Londoners pay private landlords. Over time, an ugly side to Mr Livingstone’s personality has emerged. He has shown startling insensitivity towards Jewish people. This would be unattractive in any politician. In the mayor of a diverse and occasionally tense city, it is intolerable. 约翰逊不是肯•列文斯通，这是他的第二个优点。伦敦第一任选举产生的市长列文斯通上任伊始时行事大胆。他隐藏了自己的左翼倾向，对交通堵塞收费，这是由米尔顿•弗莱德曼提出的，假意抚慰伦敦。本报当时支持他连任。但是令人大失所望的是，列文斯通先生逐渐变成了“红色肯”。他声称会减少公共交通费甚至是伦敦人付给私人房东的租金。随着时间的流逝，列文斯通先生个性丑陋的一面逐渐显现出来。人们发现他对犹太人态度冷漠得残酷。对任何政治家来说，这一点都不会受欢迎。作为伦敦这样一个多元化偶尔局势紧张的城市的市长，这一点更是无法容忍的。 Give him something important to do 给他点重要的事情做 This newspaper would like Mr Johnson to serve another term—and pull his finger out. We do not imagine, though, that he will abruptly be transformed into an English-accented Michael Bloomberg. For that to happen, the mayoralty itself would have to be radically changed. 本报希望约翰逊先生可以成功连任-并且大展拳脚。但是我们当然不会奢望他瞬间变身一口英国腔的迈克尔•布隆伯格。如果那真的发生，市长职位本身也得完全改变。 A big reason the mayoral race has degenerated into squabbles over personal taxes and the shape of buses is that the candidates do not have much more to talk about. London’s mayor has great power over transport, as well as rather less power over housing and planning. He has almost no sway over education and health. The legislatures of Scotland and Wales, with a combined population roughly equal to London’s, are much more powerful. Most emasculating of all, less than 10% of the money London’s mayor spends comes from local property taxes. The rest comes from central government, which often tells the mayor how to spend the cash. 市长选举之所以恶化变成围绕个人税务和巴士形状这些小事的你争我吵，一个重要原因是两位候选者都没什么可值得谈论的。伦敦市长在交通问题是权力很大，但是在住房和规划方面权力则相对很少。在教育和医疗问题上几乎没什么权力。苏格兰和威尔士加起来的人口数量与伦敦人口几乎相等，它们的立法机构权力要大得多。最无奈的是，伦敦市长支配的钱只有不到10%来自当地的不动产税。其他则来自中央政府，中央政府时常告诉市长应该怎样支配这笔现金。 If the mayoralty is to become a serious job, attracting serious candidates, this must change. One thing Mr Johnson has demonstrated is that London’s police chief cannot hold on to his job if the mayor wants him gone. That power should be made formal. There is a case, too, for giving the mayor more sway over education: power is rightly being devolved by local authorities to individual schools, but Westminster still keeps too much to itself. As America shows, mayors are often the boldest education reformers: Mr Bloomberg is not the only mayor who has transformed local schools. Most of all, London’s mayor should be allowed to raise more money locally. 要想伦敦市长一职变得重要能吸引更重量级的候选者，以上现状就需改变。约翰逊表示如果市长不想让伦敦警察总长继续做下去，后者就守不住自己的饭碗了。这应当成为正式权力。还有就是在教育方面更有影响力：虽然从地方权威到学校都有一定权力，但是英国政府还是拥有过多权力。正如在美国发生的情况证明的，市长通常是最大胆的教育改革者：布隆伯格不是唯一一个改革当地学校的市长。首先，伦敦市长应该有权在地方筹集更多资金。 London’s mayor has the biggest personal mandate in British politics. He, or she, is a model to other cities that are toying with the idea of elected mayors. Mr Johnson has carried his responsibilities rather lightly. Time to increase his burden. 伦敦市长是英国政界中个人权力最大的角色。他或她为其他不严肃对待选举市长一事的城市树立了榜样。约翰逊先生承担的责任相对不重。是时候增加他的负担了。