Roosevelt:President Osmena and I have been having a nice talk, and I thought you could come up and write a story for release when we get back to Washington. It may be in another week or ten days. The President and I talked about many things, and it so happened that while we were together this morning, theannouncement about the fall of the Japanese cabinetcame in. It is a piece of very good news. Outside of that, we have been talking about a great many things to do with the Philippines. President Osmena is just back from the Philippines itself, and he tells me about the terrible desteuctioninManila-about three-fourths of the city has been destroyed. We talked first about the military campaignandthe possibility intensifying it. There are still a great many Japs in pockets in a number of places all through the Islands. Eventually, we will get to Mindanao where President Osmena says he has some very good guerrillas fighting. Our joint forces are working up toward the center of the Islands. That is partly Morro country, so there we get a great many Morros working together with the American and Filipino forces. Then we talked about more current problems, after the Islands are cleared of the Japanese. We are absolutely unchanged in our policy of two years ago, for immediate Filipino independents. That brings up a great many things, like relief , the rebuilding of communications, roads, highways, bridges, and so forth, so as to get civilized life running in a normal way. I am not ready to announce dates yet, because nobody knows when the country as a whole will be ready to go ahead with the distributingofreliefwithoutbeing fired on. The relief probably ought to be undertaken by us on a perfectly definite plan. I put it to President Osmena this morning. There are certain things which we have a definite responsibility on. It was not the fault of the Filipino people that the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor, but they have been terribly hurt by the result of the war. And in the process of taking the Island back, we obviously ought torestore certaindamages like highway bridges, or tunnels, or highways themselves destroyed by the Japanese, and those practical things. There are other things which are not immediately practical, in one sense. For example, in Manila there is the famous old Cathedral—which is one of the oldest cathedrals in the Far East. I think this country will want, as a gestureof sentimentality，to restore the Cathedral of St. Dominic. Other things, like wreckandharbors with Jap ships, it certainly is our duty to take those wrecks and blow them up, so commerce at different ports will be able to function again. Then we discussed all kinds of things on the question of rehabilitation in regard to trade. We have not yet got from the Congress a definite statement as to the tariff question. After 1898，we gave to the Spaniards ten years to work out the tariff problem; and we have been under a tariff ever since, which has been fixed from time to time by the Congress of the United States after commissions in those cases have sat. I don’t think we can treat the Filipinos any worse than we did the Spaniards on problems of that kind. My thought is we should maintain the present tariffs between the Philippines and the United States after they get their independence. In their present status, give them a chance to turn around before we get a new tariff, and we ought to consider the economic needs of the Filipinos as a whole. It seems obvious that we will be more or less responsible for security in all the Pacific waters. As you take a look at the different places captured by us, from Guadalcanal, the north coast of New Guinea, and then the Marianas and other islands gradually to the southern Philippines, and then into Luzon and north to Iwo Jima，it seems obvious the only danger is from Japanese forces; and they must be prevented, in the same way Germany is prevented， from setting up a military force which would start off again on a chapter of aggression. So that means the main bases have to be taken away from them. They have to be policed externally and internally. And as a part of the western Pacific situation, it is necessary to throw them out of any of their mandated ports, which they immediately violated almost as soon as they were mandated, by fortifying these islands. And we were talking about what base or bases will be necessary, not for us nationally, but for us in the world, to prevent anything from being built up by the Japanese, and at the same time give us a chance to operate in those waters. The Philippine waters occupy a very large part of the Pacific Ocean, and undoubtedly we accept a mandate to keep security in that part of the world. The Filipinos and ourselves would in propinquity maintain adequate naval and air bases to take care of that section of the Pacific. Then we talked about American technical assistance. There will be a special mission to keep us in touch, with all of this being predicated on the permanent setting up of a Philippine independent government. We talked about the time, but nothing was decided as to dates. It all depends on how soon the Japanese are cleared in the Islands. We hope it will be by this autumn, which would be prior to the date of July, 1946，set by the Congress...
罗斯福；我和总统奥斯梅那正进行一场 友好的谈话，我想等我们回到华盛顿， 你们可以写一篇新闻报道。可能还需要 一周或者10天左右。我和他谈了很多 事情，今天早上我们在一起的时候，正 好听到了曰本内阁解散的消息。这是好 消息。除了这件事，我们还谈了很多和 菲律宾人民相关的事情。奥斯梅那总统 刚刚从菲律宾回来，他给我讲了马尼拉 的惨状，3/4的城市都受到了破坏。我 们先聊了军事竞争和竞争加剧的可能 性。岛上许多地区的洞穴里还有大量日 本人。最后我们说到棉兰老岛，他说那 里有游击队战斗。我们两国联军正向岛中心进发。那是莫罗国的一部分，所以 我们也让很多莫罗人和我们美军一起在 菲律宾打仗。我们之后谈到了更多当前 问题，岛上的日本人被赶跑后的问题。 我们两年前的政策绝对不会变，就是要 立即实现菲律宾的独立。这带来了很多 问题，比如救济问题、联络重建问题， 道路、高速公路、大桥建设等问题，要 让文明的生活进入正常轨道。我还不准 备宣布日期，因为没有人知道这个国家 在停战的情况下什么时候能够继续分发 救济品。我们应该采取一个完全明确的 方案。我今天早上和总统奥斯梅那谈了 这个问题。还有一些事情我们要负明确 责任。日本人袭击珍珠港不是菲律宾人 民的错，但是由于这场战争他们受到了 严重伤害。在把岛收回的过程中，我们 显然应该为他们修复被日本人破坏的大 桥、隧道或者高速公路，以及那些生活 中的东西。还有一些在某种意义上说不 是很迫切，但很有实际意义的事情。比如马尼拉有一所著名的古教堂——那是 远东最古老的教堂之一。我想这个国家 从情感方面，想要修复多米尼克大教 堂。其他的事情，像日本船只残骸及港 口，当然我们也有责任带走残骸，处理 掉它们，这样不同的商业港□又能再次 运行。我们讨论了贸易复兴相关的各种 问题。我们还没有从国会那里就关税问 题拿到一个明确的说明。1898年后，我 们给了西班牙人10年时间解决关税问 题，从那以后我们就一直根据国会在发 生不同案件后制定的关税进行贸易。我 想我们在这个问题上给予菲律宾人的待 遇不能比西班牙人的低。我的想法是在 菲律宾独立后，我们应该维持目前菲律 宾和美国之间的关税。根据他们目前的 数据，在制定新关税之前给他们一个调 整的机会，我们应该考虑一下菲律宾公 民整体的经济需要。显然我们应该或多 或少为太平洋海域的安全负责。你看一 下我们占领的不同的地方，从瓜达尔卡 纳尔岛，到新几内亚的北海岸，到马里 亚纳群岛，逐渐过渡到南菲律宾，之后 是吕宋岛，北到硫磺岛，显然唯一的威 胁就是日本军队，我们必须阻止他们， 就像我们阻止德国一样，防止他们建立 军事力量，开始挑衅。这就意味着我们 '要消灭掉他们的主要基地。不管是外部 还是内部都要严格看守。作为西太平洋 形势的一部分，我们有必要把他们从他 们委托控制的港□驱赶出去，他们通过 强化对这些岛屿的控制，在占领之初就 违反了他们的职责。我们讨论的是哪一 个或者哪些基地是必要的，不是为我们 这个国家，而是为这个世界，在世界范围内防止日本进行重建，同时也给了我 们控制这些海域的机会。菲律宾海域占 了太平洋很大一部分，无疑我们接受了 维护这个部分的安全的托管权。我们和 菲律宾人会紧密联合，建立海军和空军 基地来保护好太平洋这一部分。我们还 讨论了美国的技术支持。有一个让我们 保持紧密联系的特别任务，那就是我们 要建立一个长久独立的菲律宾政府。我 们讨论了时间长短，但是没有确定准确 的曰期。这都取决于多久能把日军完全 驱赶出菲律宾群岛。我们希望今年秋天 就能实现，这也就早于国会制定的1946 年7月份的目标……
Reporter: Mr. President，on the question of the Japanese mandates that you say will be taken away from them, who will be the con-trolling government in those mandates, the United States?
记者：总统先生，关于你说的要撤销日 本托管权的问题，谁将控制政府？是美 国吗？
Roosevelt: I would say the United Nations. Or it might be called the world, which has been much abused and now will have a chance to prevent any more abuse—
罗斯福：我要说的是联合国。或者你可 以说是世界，这个词已经被滥用得太多 了，现在我们有机会阻止滥用了……
Reporter: Mr. President, do you think we will have a chance to talk with you again on other subjects before you go to the San Francisco conference, such as the proposal of Russia that it get three votes in the Assembly?
记者：总统先生，你认为我们还有机会 可以在你去旧金山大会之前就其他问题 和你讨论吗？比如俄罗斯要在会议上得 到3票支持的提议？
Roosevelt: I think you will see me several times before I go. Some of the boys cannot get their facts straight. It would really be fun if I went on the air and simply read the things which have appeared in the paper. Of course, you know that it is not true factually.
罗斯福；我想在我走之前你们会有很多 次机会看到我。有些人看不穿事实。如 果我只是在无线电台上简单地读着纸上 写的东西，那就真是有趣了。当然，你 知道事实上那不是真的。
Reporter: There certainly have been as many different interpretations as I have ever seen on anything.
记者：任何事情当然都会有不同的理解。
Roosevelt: As a matter of fact, this plea for votes was done in a very quiet way. Stalin said to me—and this is the essence of it—”You know there are two parts of Russia that have been completely devastated. Every building is gone, every farm house, and there are millions of people living in these territories一and it is very important from the point of view of humanity-and we thought, they ought to be given something as a result of this coming victory. They have had very little civilization. One is the Ukraine, and the other is White Russia. We all felt—not any of us coming from there in the government-we think it would be fitting to give them a vote in the Assembly. In these two sections, millions have been killed, and we think it would be very heartening-would help to build them up- if we could get them a vote in the Assembly.” He asked me what I thought. I said to Stalin, “Are you going to make that request of the Assembly?” He said, “I think we should.” I said, “I think it would be all right- I don’t know how the Assembly will vote.” He said, “Would you favor it?” I said, “Yes，largely on sentimental grounds. If I were on the delegation—which I am not一I would probably vote 4yes.，“That has not come out in any paper. He said，“That would be the Soviet Union, plus White Russia，plus the Ukraine.” Then I said, “By the way, if the Conference in San Francisco should give you three votes in the Assembly- if you get three votes I do not know what would happen if I don’t put in a plea for three votes in the States.” And I said, “I would make the plea for three votes and insist on it.” It is not really of any great importance. It is an investigatory body only. I told Stettinius to forget it. I am not awfully keen for three votes in the Assembly. It is the little fellow who needs the vote in the Assembly. This business about the number of votes in the Assembly does not make a great deal of difference.
罗斯福：事实上，请求支持这件事已经 悄悄在做了。斯大林对我说——这是本 质，“你知道俄罗斯的两部分已经完全 被破坏了。所有的建筑都没了，农舍， 生活在那片土地上的几百万人都——我们认为从人道主义上考虑他们应该得到 一些资助，作为即将到来的胜利成果。 他们的文明化程度很低。一部分在乌克 兰，另一部分在白俄罗斯。我们都觉 得——我们政府里没有一个人会是那里 的人，我们想在会议中给他们投票权才 合适。这两片土地上死了几百万人，我 们想，我们衷心地想要帮他们重建—— 如果我们能为他们争得投票权的话。” 他问我怎么想。我对斯大林说：“你准 备在会议上提出这一请求吗？”他说： “我想我们应该这么做。”我说：“我想 没问题——我不知道会怎么投票。”他 说：“你会支持吗？”我说：“是的，很 大程度上是因为情感方面。如果我是代 表团一员的话一当然我不是，我就可能 投赞成票。” “还没有任何文件出现。”他 说：“那样将会是苏联，加上白俄罗斯 和乌克兰。”然后我说：“顺便说一下， 如果旧金山会议给你3个投票权——如 果你拿到3张投票权，如果我不在会上 为3票请愿的话，我不知道会发生什 么。”我说：“我会为这3票请愿，并且 会坚持。”这真的不重要。这只是调查 的主体。我告诉斯特迪纽斯别管了。我 不是那么迫切地想要3个投票权。只是 有个小家伙需要3张投票权。票数的多 少在联合会中并不会造成多大不同。
Reporter :They don’t decide anything, do they?
记者：它们不能决定任何事，是吗？
Roosevelt :No.
罗斯福:是的。