(MUSIC)

VOICE ONE:

THE MAKING OF A NATION -- a program in Special English.

(MUSIC)

As we reported last week, the question of continuing the Bank ofthe United States arose as one of the serious issues facing thenational election of eighteen-thirty-two. The bank's head, NicholasBiddle, had become as powerful as the president of the UnitedStates. He refused to recognize that the government had the right tointerfere in any way with the bank's business.

President Jackson also understoodthe power of the Bank of the United States. He did not believe thebank should continue. He opposed giving it a new charter. Heproposed that a new national bank be formed as part of the TreasuryDepartment. Jackson said the present Bank of the United States wasdangerous to the liberty of Americans. He said the bank could buildup, or pull down, political parties through loans to politicians. Hesaid the bank always would support those who supported it.

VOICE TWO:

In the election year of eighteen-thirty-two, the bank still hadfour years left to continue. Its charter would not end untileighteen-thirty-six. Jackson had been urging Congress to act early,so that the bank could -- if its charter were rejected -- close itsbusiness slowly over several years. This would prevent seriouseconomic problems for the country. Many of Jackson's advisersbelieved he should say nothing about the bank until after theelection. They feared he might lose the votes of some supporters ofthe bank. Biddle felt that this might be the best time to get acharter.

Henry Clay, the presidentialcandidate of the National Republicans, helped biddle to make thisdecision. Senator Clay, however, was not thinking of the bank whenhe gave his advice. Clay needed an issue to campaign on. Most of thepeople of the country approved of Jackson's programs. Clay could notget votes by opposing successful programs. But, he was sure that theissue of the bank could get him some votes.

VOICE ONE:

The campaign for a new charter was led by the most powerful menin each house of Congress. In the Senate, the bank's supportersincluded Senator Clay and Daniel Webster. Former President JohnQuincy Adams -- now a congressman -- led the bank's struggle in thehouse. The chief opponent to the bank was Senator Thomas Hart Bentonof Missouri. "I object to the renewal of the charter," he told theSenate, "because the bank is too great and powerful to be permittedin a government of free and equal laws. I also object because thebank makes the rich richer, and the poor poorer."

VOICE TWO:

In the house, Representative Augustin Clayton of Georgia proposedan investigation of the bank. In a speech written by Senator Benton,Clayton charged that the bank had violated its charter a number oftimes. The bank's supporters were afraid to vote down the proposedinvestigation. It would be almost the same thing as saying that thecharges were true. The investigation was approved. And a specialcommittee was given six weeks to study the charges against the bank.

Four members of the seven-mancommittee were opponents of the bank. Three, including John QuincyAdams, were friendly. As expected, opponents of the bank found thecharges to be true. And the bank's supporters found them all to befalse. The majority report told of easy loans made to congressmenand newspapermen. It said a New York newspaper that had opposed thebank began supporting it after receiving a secretfifteen-thousand-dollar loan.

VOICE ONE:

The investigation did not really change the votes of any of thecongressmen. Many votes had been bought by the bank. AttorneyGeneral Roger Taney told of one example of this. Taney opposed thebank. And he rode to work one morning with a congressman who alsoopposed it. The congressman asked Taney for help on a speech heplanned to make against the bank. Taney was surprised later to findthat this same congressman had voted to give the bank its newcharter. The congressman told Taney that the bank had made him aloan of twenty-thousand dollars.

VOICE TWO:

The Senate finally voted on the bank's new charter. The vote wastwenty-eight, for, and twenty, against. The house voted three weekslater. It approved the charter, one-hundred-seven to eighty-five.The bill was sent to the White House. President Jackson called acabinet meeting. Two cabinet members, McLane and Livingston, agreedthat the bill should be vetoed. But they urged Jackson to reject thebank charter in such a way that a compromise might be worked outlater.

Attorney General Taney, however, believed that the veto should bein the strongest possible language. He opposed any compromise thatwould continue the bank beyond eighteen-thirty-six. Jackson agreedwith Taney. He asked the attorney general and two white houseadvisers to help him write the veto message. They worked on themessage for three days.

VOICE ONE:

On July tenth, the veto was announced. And the message explainingit was sent to Congress. Jackson said he did not believe the bank'scharter was constitutional. He said it was true that the SupremeCourt had ruled that Congress had the right to charter a nationalbank. But he said he did not agree with the high court. And Jacksonsaid the president -- in taking his oath of office -- swears tosupport the constitution as he understands it...not as it isunderstood by others. He said the president and the congress had thesame duty as the court to decide if a bill was constitutional.

Jackson also spoke of the way the bank moved money from west toeast. He said the bank was owned by a small group of rich men,mostly in the east. Some of the owners, he said, were foreigners.Much of the bank's business was done in the west. The money paid bywesterners for loans went into the pockets of the eastern bankers.Jackson said this was wrong. Then the president spoke of his firmbelief in the rights of the common man.

VOICE TWO:

"It is to be regretted," he said, "that the rich and powerfulbend the acts of the government to their own purposes. Differencesamong men will always exist under every just government. Equality ofability, or education, or of wealth cannot be produced by humaninstitutions. Every man has the equal right of protection under thelaws. But when these laws are used to make the rich richer, and thepowerful more powerful, then the more humble members of our societyhave a right to complain of injustice."

Jackson said he could not understand how the present owners ofthe bank could have any claim of special treatment from thegovernment. He said the government should shower its favors -- asheaven does its rain -- on the high and low alike, on the rich andthe poor equally.

VOICE ONE:

Henry Clay had made the bank bill the chief issue of theeighteen-thirty-two presidential election campaign. Andrew Jacksonchose the words of his veto message for the same purpose -- to winvotes in the coming election. His veto of the bank bill cost him thevotes of men of money. But it brought him the votes of the commonman: the farmer, the laborer, and industrial worker.

After his first two years as President, Andrew Jackson was notsure he wished to serve a second term. Jackson was not sure hishealth would permit him to complete a full eight years in the WhiteHouse. But he wished to be a candidate again in eighteen-thirty-twoto give the people a chance to show they approved of his programs.Jackson decided that he would campaign again for president. But ifhe won, he would resign after the first or second year...and leavethe job to his vice president.

(MUSIC)

VOICE TWO:

You have been listening to the Special English program, THEMAKING OF A NATION. Your narrators were Maurice Joyce and StewartSpencer. Our program was written by Frank Beardsley. THE MAKING OF ANATION can be heard Thursdays.